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 In one of the most notable realignments in Nigerian politics in recent history, occurring just before the 2027 general elections, thirty-one members of the House of Representatives and twenty-six senators have defected to the African Democratic Congress (ADC), causing a seismic shift in the country's legislative landscape.

 Reps. from all over the country and all sides of the political spectrum are jumping ship to the ADC in what appears to be a mass defection, as verified by a number of credible sources.  There has been mounting discontent with the party's internal strife, its lack of a unified philosophy, and the way it handles government, and this departure is considered a direct reaction to that.  The defectors have stated that the progressive program of the ADC, particularly its emphasis on economic reforms, youth empowerment, and transparency, was the main reason for their decision to transfer.

 Through grassroots mobilization and the promise of systemic improvements, the ADC has slowly grown from a minor player in Nigeria’s political arena to a formidable force.  The party's standing and influence in the National Assembly are immediately enhanced by the addition of prominent lawmakers.  Some in the political sphere worry that this would shake up the status quo in Nigeria by shifting legislative objectives and authority away from the country's long-established political parties.

 As one unidentified senator put it, "The ADC represents the future." This sentiment was shared by several defectors.  Recycled promises and ineffective systems have worn thin on Nigerians.  We are joining a movement that promotes honesty, creativity, and inclusive development.”  This comment reflects a rising frustration with the current quo and an appetite for true change through fresh leadership.

 With the 2027 general elections coming, this realignment sets the ADC as a potential adversary.  The departure of several legislators from conventional parties like the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) not only undermines these dominating parties but also indicates shifting allegiances at various governmental levels.  This defection wave may promote additional changes among state-level politicians and grassroots operators who seek to identify with rising power centers.

 Particularly interesting is former Vice President Atiku Abubakar’s switch to ADC, which some observers perceive as a strategic push to acquire the party’s presidential ticket, especially given discussions concerning regional power rotation in Nigeria.  Atiku’s influence certainly played a significant role in pushing colleagues, senators, to defect alongside him, increasing the ADC’s profile countrywide.

 The affected parties, namely APC and PDP, have responded carefully, with reports of emergency meetings being summoned to plan on preventing additional defections and managing internal divisions.  These sessions emphasize the possible threat the ADC poses to the established order and the urgent necessity for the government and key opposition parties to recapture political territory.

 However, the difficulty for ADC will be to retain cohesion and discipline among the new entrants.  Past political history in Nigeria illustrates that large-scale defections can often be transient or driven by opportunism rather than ideological conviction.  The ADC must thus capitalize on this momentum by expressing a clear and unifying vision that resonates with all Nigerians.

 Among the defectors is Senator Ireti Kingibe of the Federal Capital Territory, whose defection from the Labour Party to ADC shows growing confidence in the party’s future.  Senator Kingibe described her action as strategic, predicting that the ADC presents a promising platform despite still being in a developing period.

 Meanwhile, the PDP is allegedly making renewed overtures to leaders like Peter Obi, who remains powerful among Nigeria’s youth and reform-minded voters.  Obi’s choice could further shape the contours of the opposition landscape.  The PDP’s internal splits and reputation difficulties exacerbate the dynamics.

 As the ADC’s legislative bench expands, questions remain whether the party’s developing alliance can shift electoral calculations and policy-making by 2027.  Given Nigeria’s shifting political relationships and history of defection reversals, the coming months will be key in assessing if this realignment sustains or fades.

 The defection of 31 Representatives and 26 Senators to the ADC signals a significant milestone in Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.  It underlines broad disillusionment with traditional political systems and an increasing need for reform-oriented government.  If the ADC can harness this momentum effectively, it might reshape Nigeria’s political landscape and establish a new period of legislative activism and electoral competition as the 2027 elections get closer.

The establishment of twelve new states in Nigeria, spanning the country's six geopolitical zones, has been formally approved by the Senate, marking a significant milestone in Nigeria's history of enhanced equity, representation, and grassroots governance.  This historic decision, the culmination of numerous discussions, is a direct result of decades of activism by various communities demanding greater political representation and autonomy.

 The Senate Committee on State Creation adopted a thorough report, which was read a third and final time on July 17, 2025, before approval.  Public hearings, questionnaires, and interviews with many stakeholders around the country went into the committee's final report.  A variety of groups and individuals, including state governments, traditional rulers, civil society organizations, and grassroots movements, were pushing for the decentralization of power.

 Nigeria is now dealing with demographic and administrative issues, and there have been ongoing calls for greater equity and political representation among the many ethnic and regional groups that make up the federation. This legislative action is a response to those requests.

 States and Zones New to the Union

 A further indication of inclusivity and balanced growth is the distribution of the 12 new states among Nigeria's six geo-political zones.  The following is an exhaustive list of the states that will be formed from the current ones, as well as the new ones:

 The following are the proposed new states:

 South West: 

Ijebu State (from Ogun State)

Ibadan State (from Oyo State)

 South East: 

Anim State (from Parts of Anambra and Imo States)

Adada State (from Enugu State)

 South South: 

Toru-Ibe State (from Sections of Ondo, Edo, and Delta States)

Obolo State (from Akwa Ibom State)

North East: 

Savanna State (from Borno State)

Amana State (from Adamawa State)

 North West: 

Tiga State (from Kano State)

Gurara State (from Southern Kaduna)

North Central: 

Okura State (from Kogi State), 

Apa State (from Benue State).

 This geographic arrangement indicates a conscious effort by lawmakers to correct regional disparities and establish a more balanced political and administrative setup across Nigeria.

 The Senate’s judgment is expected to have wide-reaching consequences on Nigeria’s political landscape.  By forming additional states, the government wants to:

 Promote equal representation: More states mean increased political voice and representation for previously underrepresented groups in both state and federal administration.

 Improve local governance: Smaller, more manageable administrative entities enable administration that is closer and more responsive to the demands of citizens, which can encourage effective public service delivery.

 Foster national unity and inclusiveness: Recognizing diverse groups through state creation decreases feelings of marginalization, therefore strengthening the fabric of Nigeria’s federal system.

 Address long-standing regional demands: The establishment of new states fulfills pressing political and developmental objectives that have been the objects of agitations for years.

 Experts argue that these new states will help decentralize resources and political power, which could aid economic development and conflict reduction in restive or neglected areas.

 While the approval by the Senate is significant, actualizing the creation of new states will require constitutional revisions, logistical arrangements, and other legal processes.  This includes:

 Referendums: According to Nigeria’s Constitution, the establishment of new states needs not just the consent of the National Assembly but also a referendum where the affected populace must agree to the new states.

 Financial considerations: Establishing new state governments involves large financial resources for administrative setup, including staff, infrastructure, and public services.

 Political discussions: There will be intricate negotiations between federal and state governments, traditional rulers, and political actors to ensure a seamless transition and avoid disagreements.

 The Senate has indicated that an official government gazette defining the names, boundaries, and administrative structures of the new states will be released soon, followed by preparations to commence the consultative referendums.

 The decision by the Senate has prompted a surge of responses across Nigeria.  Many local leaders and grassroots groups that long championed these projects have greeted the move as a triumph for democracy and grassroots empowerment.

 Prominent senators and politicians participating in the process, including Senator Prince Ned Nwoko, have underlined the significance of the development, portraying it as a watershed achievement that will alter governance in Nigeria.

 On social media and news platforms, emotions vary from joy in the new state regions to cautious optimism elsewhere, with calls for careful implementation and attention to potential obstacles.

 Nigeria now has 36 states, a number that has varied through earlier constructions spanning several decades aimed at managing ethnic diversity and administrative efficiency.  The establishment of 12 new states represents one of the most major restructurings of the country’s federal entities since the early 1990s.

 This move may also create a precedent for future disputes concerning Nigeria’s federal system, with some politicians and communities already making recommendations for further state creations or boundary revisions.

 The Nigerian Senate’s adoption of 12 new states on July 17, 2025, symbolizes a big step in resolving the country’s complicated ethno-political environment by fostering more inclusiveness, representation, and growth.  While obstacles remain surrounding legitimacy, money, and logistics, the decision nonetheless marks a new chapter in Nigeria’s goal of equitable federalism and heightened grassroots governance.

 As implementation plans emerge, all eyes will remain on how these new states help define Nigeria’s future governance and socio-political peace.

Former Imo State Governor, Emeka Ihedioha, has made a strong plea to Northern political leaders, encouraging them to unify in backing former Anambra Governor Peter Obi as the consensus presidential candidate for the 2027 general elections.  Speaking at a high-level political gathering in Abuja, Ihedioha hailed Obi as “charismatic, humble, and widely loved across Nigeria,” underlining that Obi possesses the leadership traits required to restore Nigeria's lost status and confront its urgent difficulties.

 Ihedioha emphasized Obi’s honesty, vision, empathy, and intelligence as crucial attributes that position him to handle Nigeria’s deep-rooted crises.  Notably, he singled out Obi’s resolve to serve just one term as a president, noting that Obi’s gentlemanly personality promises that he would fulfill this pledge—a move considered as a deliberate promise to build national unity and political balance.

 The former governor stressed that Obi's emergence as a flag bearer would represent a new beginning for Nigeria, underscoring that leadership should not merely revolve around political alliances aimed at unseating the incumbent party but should focus on presenting credible alternatives based on ideas, strategy, and substance.  He encouraged Northern leaders to put the national interest above ethnic or political differences, stressing that Nigeria deserves a president who represents all Nigerians and faces major concerns like as insecurity, poverty, unemployment, and the decrease in education and health sectors.

 Taking a jab at those viewed as facilitating bad administration, Ihedioha emphasized that political apathy, tribalism, and blind allegiance exacerbate corruption and misery.  “Whether knowingly or unknowingly, those who support bad governance are complicit in Nigeria’s underdevelopment,” he said.

 Ihedioha further branded Obi as a "nightmare to the APC," pointing out that the African Democratic Congress (ADC), with whom Obi is currently linked, provides a historic chance for Nigerians desiring serious change.  The ADC and Obi have progressively acquired momentum as the main opposition groups seeking to confront President Bola Tinubu’s re-election attempt in 2027.

 Peter Obi’s political career has seen him migrate from the Labour Party to being the only presidential candidate of the ADC for 2027.  This agreement stems from a partnership between key opposition organizations including the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and ADC, who agreed that the 2027 presidential ticket should be assigned to the South.  Obi’s campaign has wide support partly due to his commitment to serve a single four-year term, with the chance of power shifting to a Northern contender in 2031.

 This collaboration between Obi’s ADC platform and the PDP suggests an effort to combine opposition power to defeat the governing APC.  It also indicates a strategic accord to balance regional power dynamics, with the North expecting a president post-2031 while embracing Obi's 2027 bid as a uniting act.

 Despite this effort, several issues continue.  Analysts emphasize that the ADC must avoid being viewed as a regional vehicle—an “Igbo project” or northern machine under other political heavyweights like Atiku Abubakar.  To preserve and increase national appeal, the party must transcend ethnic and regional allegiances and provide policies addressing critical concerns affecting all Nigerians, including economic woes and insecurity.

 Northern political elites’ support is vital for Obi’s success in 2027, given the region’s significant voting base and influence.  The rising appeals for unification from leaders like Ihedioha correlate with larger worries from Northern organizations about the hazards presented by President Tinubu’s probable re-election.  The League of Northern Democrats has cautioned that the opposition leaders, including Obi and Atiku, must lay aside personal aspirations to build a unified front or face responsibility for enabling Tinubu to clinch a second term.

 This urgency derives from an awareness that the last elections of 2023 saw opposition coalitions take 63% of the vote when unified.  The Northern political elite is under pressure from constituents to prioritize collective interests and expedite efforts toward election success in 2027.

 Peter Obi’s popularity has been enhanced by his image as a pragmatic, anti-corruption politician offering openness and good government.  His vow to serve just one term is especially geared to appeal to the North, demonstrating respect for rotational presidential traditions and creating faith in a fair political transition.  Analysts say that this guarantee boosts Obi’s prospects of garnering vital Northern votes, which have traditionally been tough for Southern politicians to acquire.

 Obi’s popularity also hinges on his ability to energize disparate groups, including youth and the disgruntled middle class, particularly in the South-East and South-West areas.  He has established a narrative around national unity and policy-driven government rather than depending exclusively on ethnic identity or regional allegiance.

 While the next election season develops, tensions linger throughout opposition ranks.  There have been internal tensions and discussions about zoning and party alliances which might impede progress.  Obi’s advisors insist that he would fight the 2027 election regardless of his coalition status, indicating both his drive and the difficult balancing act of party politics among several hopefuls.

 Meanwhile, the African Democratic Congress is attempting to cement itself as a national party with contemporary institutions fostering openness, digital membership, and grassroots engagement.  This method tries to break away from Nigeria’s established political culture marked by corruption, impunity, and party defections.

 However, organizing a coalition with diverse influential leaders—such as Atiku Abubakar, Rotimi Amaechi, and David Mark—remains challenging.  Efforts to align these interests include retreats aimed at healing previous grievances and developing common principles and pledges for governance change.

 Emeka Ihedioha’s rallying appeal to Northern elites for support of Peter Obi symbolizes a key juncture in Nigeria’s shifting political environment ahead of the 2027 elections.  Obi’s charm, ethics, and one-term pledge present prospects for overcoming past regional differences needed to create a unified front against the governing APC.  The alliance agreements between the ADC and PDP show strategic unity, however sustaining national appeal and internal cohesiveness will be necessary for enduring success.

 Ultimately, the 2027 elections will test whether Nigeria’s opposition can transform appeals for national interest and change into a viable governing option that commands support across ethnic and regional lines.

The visit of Julius Abure, the factional chairman of the Labour Party (LP), to the house of Nyesom Wike, the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on Sunday, July 13, 2025, has caused a commotion in Nigerian politics.  With the Labour Party in disarray and the opposition shifting its focus in preparation for the 2027 general election, the closed-door meeting between the two powerful politicians has left many wondering what it all means.

 The Labour Party's 2023 presidential candidate, Peter Obi, and Julius Abure's factions have been at odds over party leadership ever since the election.  There were already schisms inside the LP when Obi joined a coalition headed by the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in July 2025, further causing Abure's camp to demand that Obi leave the party openly.  The visit of Abure to Wike is more meaningful in light of this background of severe factionalism.

 One of the notable members of the governing All Progressives Congress (APC) federal cabinet is Nyesom Wike, who is also the FCT minister. Wike is a well-known member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).  Wike is a divisive character in opposition politics; those who remain loyal to the PDP accuse him of instigating internal strife and undermining opposition cohesion.  His participation in the meeting with Abure, the head of a group that disagrees with Obi's coalition strategy and leadership, has fueled rumors of potential political realignments.

 The meeting was verified by Wike’s assistant, Lere Olayinka, who uploaded images of the event on social media.  Despite widespread curiosity, neither Abure nor Wike revealed what they were planning to discuss at their meeting.  But pundits and observers in the field of politics have seen Abure's trip as a calculated attempt to shore up his political standing in the face of internal turmoil within the Labour Party.

 Observers think the meeting might be an effort by Abure to seek support or form alliances with prominent players like Wike, who has a reputation for traversing tricky political terrains.  Given the timing—just days after Abure’s section sought Obi’s expulsion from the party—the visit is largely interpreted as a signal of Abure’s realignment away from Obi’s camp and maybe towards larger opposition alliances or arrangements incorporating the PDP and APC components.

 Social media sites, notably X (previously Twitter), hummed with emotions ranging from interest to cynicism.  Many questioned the timing and meaning, with some users noting the relevance of the ADC-led alliance and its influence on opposition unity.  The lack of information regarding the meeting’s aim has further stoked conjecture about behind-the-scenes political maneuvers.

 The gathering has worsened the division among the Labour Party.  The section loyal to Peter Obi and headed by Senator Nenadi Usman attacked Abure’s visit to Wike, perceiving it as a betrayal of the party’s purpose and ideals.  In a sharply worded statement, Ken Asogwa, Senior Special Adviser (Media) to the Acting National Chairman of the LP, accused Abure of associating himself with forces adverse to the party’s advancement.

 Asogwa’s statement characterized the meeting as “proof” of Abure’s devotion to political players accountable for the structural issues the Labour Party strives to address.  He blasted Abure for fraternizing with “sponsors of oppression, tyranny, and electoral malpractice,” saying that Abure’s activities hinder the party’s attempts to establish itself as a viable opposition force.

 Further, the Labour Party underlined that Abure remains suspended and maintains no official role or authority to represent the party.  The party leadership underlined their view that Abure’s interaction with Wike does not represent the party’s official position and urged members to stay united behind Obi and the party’s core leadership.

 The visit shows the unstable nature of opposition politics in Nigeria as the 2027 general elections near.  Abure’s approach to Wike, a senior PDP member working in an APC-led administration, underscores the complicated and often paradoxical connections forming Nigeria’s political destiny.

 Wike’s status as FCT Minister and his influence within the PDP make him a crucial participant in any opposition plan.  His apparent participation in opposition issues has caused some to consider him as a “kingmaker” or a divisive influence, depending on political allegiances.  Abure’s contact with Wiki may be read as a pragmatic attempt to acquire influence or as a sign of changing allegiance that could change opposition alliances.

 Political observers also remark that the gathering may indicate larger attempts to negotiate power-sharing agreements or repair disputes among opposition groups to show a unified face against the governing APC.  However, the profound splits within the Labour Party, compounded by Abure’s factionalism and Obi’s coalition-building, complicate these chances.

 The encounter rapidly became a popular subject in Nigerian media and on social channels.  News sites released images and stories underlining the unique nature of the visit, considering the political issues involved.  Some pundits hailed the conference as a possible turning point in the Labour Party’s internal problems. In contrast, others voiced alarm about the consequences for opposition unity and democratic development in Nigeria.

 The secrecy surrounding the meeting’s agenda has led to demands for more openness from political leaders.  Many Nigerians are watching intently to see how the Labour Party will manage its internal issues and whether Abure’s actions would lead to more split or ultimate reunion.

 Julius Abure’s visit to Nyesom Wike in Abuja symbolizes a key occasion in Nigeria’s developing political landscape.  Against a background of Labour Party factionalism and opposition realignment, the gathering has highlighted key concerns about loyalty, strategy, and the future course of opposition politics ahead of the 2027 elections.

 While the precise specifics of the meeting remain unreported, the incident has revealed profound cracks inside the Labour Party and underlined the complicated interplay of relationships among Nigeria’s key political players.  As the nation advances closer to the next election cycle, the consequences of such discussions will be essential in defining Nigeria’s democratic trajectory.

In a landmark breakthrough aimed at changing Nigeria’s electoral system, the House of Representatives has launched a legislative motion to remove the President’s sole ability to nominate the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).  This brave decision underscores rising concerns surrounding the need for more independence and impartiality in the organization of elections in Nigeria, a nation where electoral trust remains a significant problem.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is the agency legally obliged to conduct elections in Nigeria.  The Chairman of INEC has a vital role in guaranteeing free, fair, and credible elections.  Traditionally, the President of Nigeria nominates the INEC Chairman, subject to approval by the Senate.  However, some contend that this system threatens the commission’s independence since the nomination process is subject to political interference from the executive branch.

Amidst persistent charges of election malfeasance and political intervention, the House of Representatives has suggested constitutional reforms to reorganize the nomination process, therefore shielding INEC from excessive presidential authority and boosting its autonomy.

The measure, now under discussion in the House, aims to modify the provisions of the 1999 Constitution to change how the INEC Chairman is selected.  Instead of the President having unilateral nomination powers, the idea envisions an independent selection panel or a more participatory process including numerous stakeholders, including the National Assembly, civil society, and potentially the court.

This legislative move is part of a wider electoral reform agenda pushed by the House, which includes other legislation such as the formation of an independent institution for political party registration and regulation, aiming at decreasing conflicts of interest within the electoral ecosystem.

Several considerations have driven the House’s determination to seek this reform:

Enhancing INEC’s Independence: By restricting the President’s unilateral appointment authority, the reform intends to safeguard INEC from political manipulation, ensuring that the commission may act without fear or favor.

Improving election Credibility: A more open and participatory appointment process is likely to increase public trust in INEC and, by extension, the election results.

Addressing Past Challenges: Nigeria’s electoral history has been marked by issues, including delayed elections, suppression of constituencies, and disagreements over election results.  The House’s decision demonstrates a commitment to solving these structural concerns.

The measure has passed its first and second readings in the House of Representatives and is presently undergoing committee review.  Lawmakers from diverse political parties have voiced support, highlighting the need for changes that match Nigeria’s election procedures with global best practices.

Speaker Tajudeen Abbas and other important MPs have stressed the necessity of strengthening democratic institutions and ensuring that election organizations are free from party influences.

This proposal to modify the selection procedure of the INEC Chair is part of a bigger reform package.  Notably, the House recently approved a measure to create a Political Parties Registration and Regulatory Commission, moving the authority of party registration and regulation from INEC to this new independent agency.  This division is aimed to enable INEC to concentrate completely on election administration, thereby increasing its efficacy and impartiality.

Additionally, there are continuing talks about allowing INEC to administer local government elections, which have historically been managed by state electoral boards, sometimes condemned for partisanship.

While the change has attracted great support, it is not without challenges:

Executive Resistance: The president may reject losing the right to nominate the INEC Chair, considering it as a weakening of executive prerogative.

Political Negotiations: The new appointment process will need careful planning to avoid substituting one kind of political influence with another via different stakeholders.

Constitutional Amendments: Altering the appointment process needs a constitutional amendment, which must pass both houses of the National Assembly and be accepted by at least two-thirds of Nigeria’s states, a process that may be protracted and difficult.

If successfully approved, the change might constitute a watershed point in Nigeria’s democratic history.  An independent and credible INEC Chair would:

Strengthen Electoral Integrity: Reducing executive involvement might lead to more transparent and trustworthy elections.

Enhance Public Trust: Citizens’ faith in electoral results should improve, lowering post-election violence and conflicts.

Promote Political Stability: Credible elections are vital to stable government and orderly changes of power.

The House of Representatives vote to divest the President of the exclusive right to nominate the INEC Chairman signals a major step towards electoral reform in Nigeria.  By calling for a more independent and open nomination process, the legislature is addressing persistent concerns about election integrity and democratic government.

As Nigeria prepares for future elections, these changes might dramatically improve the legitimacy of the electoral process, building a more inclusive and trustworthy democracy.  However, the success of this program will rely on wide political agreement and successful execution.

The following months will be essential as the bill proceeds through the parliamentary process and stakeholders across the political spectrum participate in the debate to build Nigeria’s electoral destiny.

Enugu State accomplished a critical milestone in its transportation and economic development program with the debut of Enugu Air on July 7, 2025.  The state-owned commercial airline opened at Akanu Ibiam International Airport, wants to promote Enugu as a key aviation center in Nigeria’s South-East area and beyond.  However, although the launch was lauded by some as a visionary move toward regional expansion, it has also prompted varied responses from many stakeholders throughout the aviation business, political circles, and the public.

 Governor Peter Mbah, who pushed the idea, characterized Enugu Air as a “triumph of vision” and a deliberate step to strengthen the economic fortunes of Enugu State.  The airline launched operations with an initial fleet of three Embraer jets—E170 and E190 series—chosen for their efficiency, comfort, and appropriateness for regional routes.  The maiden flight formed a "golden triangle" linking Enugu with Abuja and Lagos, with intentions to expand services to additional Nigerian towns including Port Harcourt, Owerri, Benin, and Kano.  The long-term objective involves expansion to foreign destinations spanning Africa, Europe, China, the UK, and the US, therefore tying Enugu to global commercial centers.

 Governor Mbah underlined that Enugu Air is more than a domestic carrier; it is part of a bigger integrated strategy for a modern, multimodal transport environment meant to boost tourism, commerce, and economic development.  The airline is projected to generate thousands of employment in aviation, logistics, hospitality, and associated sectors, contributing to the state’s socio-economic growth.

 The opening event was attended by Nigeria’s Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, who commended the effort as a brave move showing the strength of sub-national vision in Nigeria’s aviation sector.  Keyamo reaffirmed the federal government’s assistance to assure Enugu Air’s expansion, advocating professionalism and cautioned against political intervention and bureaucratic impediments that may jeopardize the airline’s success.  He also pledged aid in procuring more planes to expand the fleet.

 The Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) sanctioned Enugu Air’s launch of domestic operations under a temporary operating collaboration with XEJET, a private airline operator.  This agreement permits Enugu Air to commence commercial flights while its own Air Operator Certificate (AOC) is being processed—a process that may take up to two years.  NCAA’s Director-General, Chris Najomo, hailed this cooperation as a streamlined manner for Enugu State to join the aviation industry, keeping with the authority’s goal to promote ease of doing business and enforce high regulatory standards.

 Senator Osita Ngwu, Senate Minority Whip, welcomed the inauguration as a strategic move that would greatly promote Enugu’s economic regeneration.  He underlined the airline’s potential to produce over 20,000 employees, not just directly inside aviation but also via auxiliary services like bus rapid transit, taxi operations, airport logistics, and ride-hailing services.  Ngwu applauded Governor Mbah’s efforts to open up Enugu for business and integrate the state into Nigeria’s larger economic network.

 The airline is also anticipated to increase connection for the Nigerian diaspora and business community, giving “simpler, more dignified access to home,” according to Governor Mbah.  This increased connection is predicted to promote tourism and attract investments, placing Enugu as a significant participant in Nigeria’s transportation and investment environment.

 Despite the hopeful prognosis from government officials and several stakeholders, the launch has provoked conflicting responses among the public and aviation professionals.

 Supporters consider Enugu Air as a bold and important move toward decentralizing Nigeria’s aviation industry, which has historically been controlled by government carriers and private enterprises.  They appreciate the state government’s aim to improve local infrastructure and generate employment, particularly in the South-East area, which has been neglected in terms of air connectivity.  Many citizens expressed delight in having a state-owned airline and expected it would boost convenience and cost for passengers.

 However, some opponents have voiced questions about the airline’s preparedness and viability.  Questions have been raised concerning the lack of a fully operating booking platform or website at the time of introduction, which might impede consumer experience and trust.  Skeptics also refer to the issues suffered by other state-owned airlines in Nigeria, stressing that without competent management, enough money, and regulatory compliance, Enugu Air might struggle to sustain operations and safety standards.

 Industry experts warn that the success of Enugu Air would rely greatly on its ability to negotiate Nigeria’s complicated aviation regulatory framework, compete with existing airlines, and maintain excellent service quality.  The temporary cooperation with XEJET is considered a sensible option to fast-track operations, but the airline must get its own AOC and develop a solid operational basis to guarantee long-term profitability.

 Some experts fear that political influence and bureaucratic inefficiencies might impair the airline’s potential.  Minister Keyamo’s warning against the culture of free tickets and political patronage reflects issues about governance and management practices that have long plagued public companies in Nigeria.  Ensuring openness, professionalism, and accountability will be vital to Enugu Air’s success and public confidence.

 Enugu Air’s inauguration reflects a pioneering initiative by a Nigerian state government to join the commercial aviation business, following the example of Akwa Ibom State’s Ibom Air.  If successful, it might encourage other governments to build their airlines, boosting regional connectivity and economic diversity.

 The airline’s strategy emphasis on linking important Nigerian cities and growing globally matches with Nigeria’s larger aviation development aspirations.  It also falls into Governor Mbah’s ambition of converting Enugu into a multimodal transport hub that links aviation, road, and rail networks.

 Nevertheless, the way ahead is filled with hurdles.  Enugu Air must show operational excellence, financial sustainability, and regulatory compliance to compete in a competitive industry.  The state government’s capacity to preserve political neutrality and nurture a business-friendly atmosphere will be equally vital.

 The opening of Enugu Air is a major event for Enugu State and Nigeria’s aviation industry.  It symbolizes lofty objectives to improve economic development, enhance connectivity, and generate employment via a state-driven aviation project.  While the airline has been praised by many as a visionary concept, it confronts criticism and doubt over its operational capability and long-term viability.

 As Enugu Air embarks on its inaugural flight, the next months will be vital in determining whether this brave endeavor can fly above symbolic importance to become a trustworthy and revolutionary force in Nigeria’s aviation sector.

The political drama surrounding the removal of Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara has taken a new turn as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) publicly sided with Vice President Kashim Shettima’s assertion that President Bola Tinubu lacks the constitutional authority to remove an elected governor.  This development has increased the discussion over the legality and political ramifications of Tinubu’s contentious interference in Rivers State’s government.

The Rivers State political conflict goes back to late 2023, centered on a heated power struggle between Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his political godfather, former Governor Nyesom Wike.  The disagreement evolved into legislative fights, impeachment threats, and a split House of Assembly, leading to paralysis in the oil-rich state’s government.  Attempts at mediation failed, causing President Tinubu to proclaim a state of emergency on March 18, 2025, suspending Governor Fubara, his deputy Ngozi Odu, and all members of the Rivers State House of Assembly for six months.  A former navy commander, Ibok-Ette Ibas, was selected as the sole administrator to handle the state’s activities during this time.

The suspension and state of emergency proclamation triggered rapid legal and political criticism.  Constitutional experts and human rights attorneys promptly disputed the president’s power, using the 1999 Nigerian Constitution.  Section 305, which Tinubu’s administration highlighted, does not enable the president to suspend or remove an elected governor.  Instead, Section 180 explicitly stipulates that a governor may only leave office by resignation, impeachment, incapacitation, or death.

Lawyers such as Inibehe Effiong and Vincent Adodo openly decried Tinubu’s conduct as illegal, highlighting that the president’s proclamation of a state of emergency must be ratified by the National Assembly before taking effect—a procedure not properly undertaken in this instance.  The deployment of armed soldiers to take over the Rivers State Government House before legislative sanction further fanned claims of presidential overreach.

Vice President Kashim Shettima, addressing at a book launch in Abuja in July 2025, distanced himself from the president’s contentious action.  Drawing from his personal experience as a previous governor, Shettima highlighted that no president has the constitutional power to dismiss a democratically elected governor.  He recalled how former President Goodluck Jonathan’s efforts to remove northeastern governors were foiled by legal advice from leading attorneys and political figures, including former Speaker Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, who insisted on respect for constitutional restrictions.

Shettima’s words subtly attacked Tinubu’s unilateral dismissal of Fubara, underscoring the perils of extra-constitutional operations in Nigeria’s democracy.  His attitude has been regarded by political analysts as a plea for respect for democratic institutions and the rule of law, even inside the governing party’s ranks.

ADC’s Support for Shettima and Criticism of the Presidency
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has explicitly backed Shettima’s stance, declaring that President Tinubu has no legal jurisdiction to dismiss Governor Fubara.  In a statement reacting to the Presidency, ADC denounced the suspension as a breach of constitutional principles and an insult to democratic administration.  The party called for the prompt return of Fubara to his post and encouraged all political players to follow the rule of law and due process.

ADC’s intervention lends weight to the increasing chorus of opposition and civil society voices opposing the executive’s conduct in Rivers State.  The party stressed that political disagreements should be settled by legal and democratic methods rather than through presidential fiat or military intervention.

The Presidency, however, has maintained that Tinubu did not dismiss Fubara but just suspended him for six months as authorized under the state of emergency decree.  It claims that the measure was required to restore peace and stability in Rivers State, which had been ravaged by violence and political turmoil.

This explanation has done nothing to soothe concerns, particularly considering the National Assembly’s subsequent endorsement of the suspension, which opponents believe was influenced by bribery and political manipulation.  The political settlement reached behind closed doors contained terms restricting Fubara’s political future, such as prohibiting him from seeking re-election in 2027 and transferring local government power to Wike’s side.

Legal experts say that the National Assembly’s acceptance of the state of emergency and suspension does not repair the original constitutional violations by the government.  The approach, critics warn, weakens the separation of powers and establishes a dangerous precedent for presidential meddling in state government.

The situation in Rivers State raises basic issues about the balance of power in Nigeria’s federal structure and the endurance of democratic institutions.  The use of emergency powers to suspend an elected governor without sufficient constitutional underpinning violates the notions of electoral mandate and democratic sovereignty.

The ADC’s acceptance of Vice President Shettima’s position crystallizes a substantial intra-governmental conflict about the constitutionality of President Tinubu’s activities in Rivers State.  While the Presidency justifies its involvement as an essential measure to avert political upheaval, constitutional experts, opposition groups, and even some governing party officials contend that Tinubu overstepped his constitutional limitations.

As Governor Fubara’s suspension approaches its six-month mark, the political future of Rivers State remains unknown.  The debate shows the continuous fight in Nigeria to balance political power, defend constitutional government, and safeguard the democratic rights of elected officials.  The following months will be key in deciding whether the rule of law survives or whether presidential overreach becomes commonplace in Nigerian politics.

The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has swiftly increased its influence throughout Nigeria’s North-east region, provoking a broad spectrum of responses from political leaders and the public alike.  Since its formal presentation as a coalition platform last week, the ADC has recruited dozens of notable politicians from other parties, including the governing All Progressives Congress (APC), changing the political landscape ahead of the 2027 general elections.

 The North-east, spanning six states, has experienced a huge wave of defections to the ADC.  Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a prominent founding member of the coalition and a native of Adamawa State, primarily drove this movement.  Atiku’s invitation for his followers to join the ADC has been welcomed with excitement, especially among lawmakers disillusioned with their old parties’ leadership and effectiveness.

 In Yobe State, for example, Adamu Waziri, a former Minister of Police Affairs and PDP Board of Trustees member, led the defection drive, blaming the PDP’s failure as an effective opposition.  Other significant personalities like Zainab Boni-Haruna and Aji Kolomi also joined the ADC, signifying a substantial change in political allegiances.  Similarly, in Borno State, former PDP gubernatorial candidates and party leaders have abandoned their prior affiliations for the ADC, including Kashim Imam and Mohammed Kumalia, among others.

 The quick growth of the ADC in the North-east has provoked varied emotions.  Supporters claim that the inflow of experienced politicians into the alliance portends a more competitive and lively political climate in the area.  They think this convergence might undermine the supremacy of the governing APC and the PDP, perhaps changing political results in 2027.

 However, many remain unconvinced, describing many of the defectors as politically insignificant or opportunistic.  Some APC supporters regard the partnership as a desperate effort by opposition politicians to seize power without giving a clear alternative agenda for administration.  They say that the alliance lacks the political traction and grassroots support required to launch a genuine challenge to the existing government.

 The ADC is not just depending on defections but is also conducting structural changes and strategic attempts to secure its position.  The party recently modified its constitution to eliminate the two-year membership restriction for leadership posts, so increasing the pool of eligible candidates and fostering dynamic leadership.

 Moreover, the ADC has developed a Digital Political Academy aimed at empowering future leaders and strengthening political education.  This project underlines the party’s goal to change from a simple electoral challenger into a nationwide movement capable of unifying disparate groups throughout Nigeria.

 The ADC alliance includes some high-profile Nigerian politicians outside the Northeast, including former governors Rotimi Amaechi, Nasir El-Rufai, Peter Obi, Rauf Aregbesola, and former Senate President David Mark.  This wide cooperation shows the party’s intention to present a unified front against the governing APC in the 2019 elections.

 Atiku Abubakar continues to play a crucial role in steering the coalition’s strategy and growth, with his aides revealing that PDP officials in northern states including Yobe, Gombe, and Adamawa have united with the ADC.  This alliance is considered a vital step in forming a robust opposition capable of challenging power at all levels of government.

 Despite the momentum, the ADC has tremendous obstacles.  The coalition-building process is complicated, including politicians from varied ethnic, regional, and ideological backgrounds.  As one assistant observed, this is analogous to the early problems of a new marriage, needing tolerance, compromise, and patience.

 Additionally, the governing APC and certain PDP sections remain skeptical and have downplayed the coalition’s possibilities.  APC leaders have branded the partnership as motivated by a desire for power rather than a real vision for national development.  They also emphasize the lack of incumbent governors in the ADC alliance as a drawback compared to the APC’s earlier mergers.

 The ADC’s quick rise in the North-east and other regions of Nigeria signifies a changed political battlefield ahead of the 2027 elections.  With ambitious voter mobilization goals—pledging to organize up to 35 million voters nationwide—the party is establishing itself as a crucial participant in Nigeria’s political destiny.

 Whether the ADC can turn its expanding membership and high-profile defections into electoral victory remains to be seen.  The party’s success will rely on its ability to retain internal cohesiveness, grow grassroots support, and provide a compelling alternative to the voters.

 The African Democratic Congress’s quick ascension in Nigeria’s northeast has indisputably transformed the political dynamics of the area.  While it has electrified certain political players and voters, it has also generated skepticism and pushback from traditional parties.  As the 2027 elections near, the ADC’s ability to negotiate these varied emotions and solidify its achievements will be essential in deciding its effect on Nigeria’s political environment.

Senate Committee on Diaspora and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) Chairperson Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was removed from her office on Thursday, July 10, 2025, by Senate President Godswill Akpabio.  The Senate plenary session was the site of the decision, marking the latest in a series of leadership changes within Senate committees.

 Appointed to lead the Diaspora and NGOs Committee earlier this year, on February 4, 2025, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan represented Kogi Central on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) platform.  This nomination came after Akpabio reshuffled the Senate in February 2025, removing her from her position as chairperson of the Committee on Local Content.

 The first-term senator, who had been rising to prominence in the senate, suffered a major blow when she was removed from all committee chairmanships on Thursday.  In making the statement, the Senate President did not formally state why she was removed.

 The Diaspora and NGOs Committee has a new chairperson: Senator Aniekan Bassey of the governing All Progressives Congress (APC), who represents the Akwa Ibom North-East Senatorial District.  A quick shift in leadership was signaled by Akpabio's announcement that the move would be effective immediately.

 The selection of Aniekan Bassey is a step toward a more fair allocation of leadership responsibilities among senators and is part of a larger effort to shuffle committee posts.  Noting that some senators now have two vice chairmanship posts while others hold none, Akpabio further said that a review of vice chairmanships would be conducted in the coming week to guarantee justice.

 Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s time as committee head has not been without controversy.  In March 2025, she was suspended by the Senate amid allegations of gross misconduct, reportedly following a dispute with Senate President Akpabio over seating arrangements in the chamber.  This episode exposed tensions between the senator and the Senate leadership.

 Her resignation from the Local Content Committee chairperson in February and subsequent appointment to the Diaspora and NGOs Committee was perceived by some political analysts as a demotion.  The latest expulsion severely undermines her status inside the Senate leadership structure.

 Akpoti-Uduaghan’s dismissal has raised concerns about the political dynamics inside the Senate and the larger ramifications for representation from Kogi State and the Southeast region.  As a PDP senator in a legislature controlled by the APC, her expulsion illustrates the problems encountered by opposition lawmakers in gaining and keeping crucial leadership responsibilities.

 The selection of Senator Aniekan Bassey, an APC member from Akwa Ibom State, illustrates the governing party’s consolidation of committee leadership posts.  This action may be regarded as an attempt to boost the APC’s influence in crucial committees, especially those dealing with diaspora affairs and NGOs, which are essential for Nigeria’s foreign connections and civil society involvement.

 Senate President Akpabio’s remark hinted at more revisions in committee leadership, notably with vice chairmanships.  The purpose is to guarantee that every senator either has a chairperson or a vice chairmanship post, creating a more equitable allocation of authority and duties within the chamber.

 This shift comes amid continuing attempts by the Senate leadership to simplify operations and boost legislative performance.  It also illustrates the political reality of handling multiple interests and party connections inside Nigeria’s upper legislative house.

 The departure of Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan has drawn conflicting responses from political experts, media pundits, and constituents.  Some perceive the move as a conventional political realignment characteristic of legislative bodies, while others see it as a reflection of deeper political tensions and power struggles inside the Senate.

 Supporters of Akpoti-Uduaghan have expressed dismay, stressing her efforts and the symbolic value of her leadership responsibilities for women and minority participation in the Senate.  Critics say that her departure is reasonable given the past misbehavior charges and the necessity for coherent leadership in sensitive panels.

 With Senator Aniekan Bassey now the chair of the Diaspora and NGOs Committee, attention will be on his agenda and how he proposes to guide the committee’s activities.  The committee plays a significant role in supervising problems connected to Nigerians living abroad, diaspora participation, and the regulation and support of non-governmental organizations functioning inside the nation.

 Meanwhile, Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan’s political future remains unknown.  Without a committee chairmanship, her influence in the Senate may be diminished unless she achieves other leadership posts or uses her legislative efforts to retain relevance.

 The dismissal of Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Diaspora and NGOs by Senate President Godswill Akpabio is a major step in Nigeria’s legislative landscape.  It emphasizes continuous political realignments within the Senate and underscores the difficulty of balancing party interests, regional representation, and individual behavior.

 As the Senate continues to reorganize committee leadership to enhance fairness and effectiveness, the impact of these changes on legislative objectives and governance will be widely studied by stakeholders throughout Nigeria.

Former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir David Lawal, has formally resigned from the governing All Progressives Congress (APC), marking a major political event ahead of Nigeria’s 2027 general elections.  The declaration was made via a resignation letter dated June 29, 2025, sent to the Chairman of the APC in Bangshika Ward, Hong Local Government Area of Adamawa State, which Lawal personally signed and filed on Monday, July 7, 2025.

 In the letter, Lawal officially alerted the party of his immediate resignation, stating: “I write to formally notify you of my resignation from the All Progressives Congress (APC).  This resignation has immediate effect.”  He did not offer precise reasons for his resignation but hinted at future political activity, vowing to declare his new political allegiance in due time.  “I plan to join compatriots to work towards making Nigeria a better living place for all citizens,” he said, offering his wishes to APC members in his ward.

 Babachir Lawal’s withdrawal from the APC comes amid mounting tensions and worries of collapse inside the governing party, especially in the Northern region of Nigeria.  His departure adds to mounting worries about internal party divides and the issues President Bola Tinubu’s government confronts in maintaining cohesiveness ahead of the 2027 elections.

 Lawal, who served as SGF under former President Muhammadu Buhari during his first term, has been a notable political figure both in Adamawa State and nationwide.  Since leaving the federal cabinet, he has remained a vocal commentator on national problems and a significant actor in new political alliances seeking alternatives to the APC.

 Reports claim that Lawal is associated with a political alliance formed by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi.  This group has selected the African Democratic Congress (ADC) as its platform to confront the APC and President Tinubu in the 2018 elections.  Lawal has revealed that he and other former APC members are joining this alliance, which intends to present Nigerians with a true alternative.

 In interviews, Lawal ruled out the development of a new political party, noting that the alliance preferred to join an existing party owing to time restrictions and the complexity required in establishing and sustaining a new organization before the 2027 campaigns.  He also separated the coalition from breakaway groups seeking to float alternative parties, highlighting the alliance’s emphasis on pragmatic and sustainable political initiatives.

 Lawal’s resignation letter and subsequent political movements mirror wider trends in Nigeria’s political scene, where changing alliances and realignments are becoming more regular as the 2027 general elections near.  His resignation from the APC illustrates the issues confronting the governing party, notably in controlling internal dissent and preserving unity among its members.

 The former SGF’s action is considered by many experts as a strategic repositioning that might impact political calculations in Adamawa State and beyond.  His cooperation with the ADC-backed alliance signifies a possible change in the balance of power, especially in northern Nigeria, where APC’s supremacy has been increasingly questioned.

 As of currently, Babachir Lawal has not publicly revealed his new party affiliation, but signs strongly imply his alignment with the ADC-led coalition.  His political future and the effect of his departure on the APC remain major issues of interest for observers and players in Nigeria’s developing political environment.

 Babachir Lawal’s departure from the APC is a major event that demonstrates the rising fracture within Nigeria’s governing party and the creation of new political coalitions aimed at redefining the country’s political destiny ahead of the 2027 elections.  His action illustrates the flexibility of political loyalties in Nigeria and the continuous fight for power among the nation’s main political figures.

The Presidency has issued a firm warning to the newly formed political coalition under the African Democratic Congress (ADC), telling its leaders to abandon any hopes of unseating President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 general elections and instead wait until 2031, after Tinubu would have completed his two terms in office.  This remark was delivered by the Presidential spokesman, Sunday Dare, during a press conference in Abuja on July 5, 2025, and has since dominated political conversation in Nigeria.

 The coalition, unveiled recently in Abuja, includes prominent opposition figures such as former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, ex-Senate President David Mark (who chairs the ADC), Peter Obi—the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, former Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, among others.  The organization has positioned the ADC as a viable platform to confront the incumbent All Progressives Congress (APC) and steal power from President Tinubu’s government in the next elections.

 However, the Presidency denounced the alliance as a "purely opportunistic gathering of disgruntled politicians," accusing its leaders of missing the political and democratic credentials essential to launch a serious challenge to Tinubu.  Sunday Dare underlined that none of the coalition’s leaders commands the type of devotion or trust that Tinubu has, nor do they possess his electoral track record.  He emphasized Tinubu’s strategic patience and long-term political preparation, which resulted in the establishment of a credible political platform and his uninterrupted record of election triumphs.

 Dare further asserted that the President "already rests with the region rightfully due," alluding to the South and that this arrangement will stay unchanged until 2031.  He said that the coalition’s claim to be eliminating structural inequity was a façade hiding its actual motives—"avarice ambition to satisfy the cravings of a few for the control of the National treasury."  According to him, there is no true wrong to rectify, just personal goals driving the alliance.

 The Presidential spokesman compared the present alliance with the historic 2013 merger that created the APC, which effectively removed the then-incumbent party in 2015.  He portrayed the merger as motivated by selflessness, national interest, and strategic discipline, with leaders prepared to lay aside personal goals for the greater good.  In comparison, he argued, the ADC alliance lacks such cohesiveness and national purpose, making its chances of victory poor.

 This severe warning from the Presidency comes amid escalating political tensions as Nigeria approaches the 2027 national elections.  The ADC coalition’s establishment signifies a dramatic realignment in the opposition scene, bringing together some of the country’s most important political personalities.  Their declared purpose is to disrupt the APC’s supremacy and give an alternative to Tinubu’s government, which has been in power since 2023.

 Despite the coalition’s objectives, political observers note that the Presidency’s confidence in Tinubu’s grasp on power is built on his wide political network and successes in government over the last two years.  Tinubu’s government has allegedly achieved substantial achievements in governance and policy execution, which the Presidency thinks have strengthened his position and popularity throughout Nigeria.

 Critics of the coalition believe that the partnership is more about personal political survival and access to power than meaningful change or solving national concerns.  The coalition’s diversified membership, although impressive on paper, is considered by some as a collection of politicians with conflicting interests rather than a coherent group unified by a similar goal.

 The political dynamics in Nigeria remain unpredictable, with the 2027 elections expected to be severely fought.  The Presidency’s instruction to wait until 2031 illustrates its confidence in Tinubu’s political longevity and the hurdles the opposition confronts in launching a credible campaign against him.  Whether the ADC alliance can overcome internal tensions and present a unified front remains to be seen, but for now, the Presidency has made its stance clear: the seat of power will stay with Tinubu and the South until at least 2031.

 This event adds another dimension to Nigeria’s complicated political environment, underscoring the continuous fight for control among the country’s elite and the strategic calculations that govern electoral politics.  As the 2027 elections near, all eyes will be on the ADC coalition’s next actions and the reaction from the governing APC, setting the scene for a potentially fierce political confrontation in the years ahead.

Nigeria is on the cusp of a substantial political restructuring after the recent proposal by the House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution to establish 31 new states throughout the nation.  If authorized, this proposal will expand the number of Nigerian states from the existing 36 (including the Federal Capital Territory) to 67, marking one of the most comprehensive state construction initiatives in the country’s history.

 The motion was officially submitted at a plenary session on February 6, 2025, presided over by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu in the absence of Speaker Tajudeen Abbas.  The group, headed by Kalu himself, presented a letter explaining the comprehensive recommendations for new states, which encompass all six geographical zones of Nigeria: North Central, North East, North West, South East, South-South, and South West.

 This plan is part of continuous attempts to solve Nigeria’s complicated ethnic, political, and administrative difficulties by establishing new sub-national entities that proponents claim would bring the government closer to the people, improve resource allocation, and strengthen political participation.

 The planned states have been carefully apportioned among the geopolitical zones as follows:

 North Central: 6 new states

 North East: 4 new states

 North West: 5 new states

 South East: 5 new states

 South-South: 4 new states

 South West: 7 new states

 This geographical dispersion shows an effort to balance regional interests and accommodate numerous ethnic groups wanting more autonomy and recognition.

 The proposals include new states carved out from existing ones, frequently reflecting ethnic or cultural identities and administrative convenience.  Some of the prominent proposed states include:

 North Central Zone

 Okun State, Okura State, and Confluence State from Kogi State

 Benue Ala State and Apa State from Benue State

 Federal Capital Territory (FCT) State, which would constitute the FCT as a complete state

 North East Zone

 Amana State from Adamawa State

 Katagum State from Bauchi State

 Savannah State from Borno State

 Muri State from Taraba State

 Kwararafa State and South Sardauna State from Taraba (additional ideas)

 North West Zone

 New Kaduna State and Gurara State from Kaduna State

 Tiga State and Ghari State from Kano State

 Kainji State from Kebbi (and part of Niger State in some plans)

 Hadejia State from Jigawa and Gobir State from Sokoto have both been mentioned.

 South East Zone

 Etiti and Orashi States as extra states in the area

 Adada State from Enugu State

 Orlu and Aba States from the South East

 South-South Zone

 Ogoja State from Cross River State

 Warri State from Delta State

 Ori and Obolo States from Rivers State

 South West Zone

 Torumbe State from Ondo State

 Ibadan State from Oyo State

 Lagoon State from Lagos State

 Ogun State and Ijebu State from Ogun State

 Oke Ogun/Ijesha State encompassing Oyo, Ogun, and Osun States

 The formation of new states in Nigeria is controlled by severe constitutional standards.  According to the plan, for a new state to be founded, it must have the backing of at least two-thirds of the National Assembly members.  Additionally, the House of Representatives, the appropriate State Houses of Assembly, and Local Government Councils in the impacted districts must adopt the plan.  A referendum among the affected communities is also a constitutional necessity.

 Despite the excitement around the idea, the House of Representatives Committee on Constitutional Amendment has already rejected the first batch of 31 proposals, alleging inability to fulfill these constitutional standards.  Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu revealed that none of the suggestions matched the essential legal requirements for consideration during a retreat held in Ikot Ekpene, Akwa Ibom State, in late February 2025.

 The committee has, however, extended the time for communities to alter and resubmit their plans by March 5, 2025, and hinted at the prospect of future extensions depending on the result of continuing discussions.

 If the idea finally succeeds, Nigeria will become a federation with 67 states, exceeding even the United States, which has 50 states.  This growth might have substantial ramifications for Nigeria’s political environment, including:

 More states might imply better local government and higher political participation for minority groups and underprivileged populations.  It might also lead to a more equal allocation of government resources.

 New states may draw government appropriations, infrastructure development, and investment, possibly strengthening local economies.  However, the financial viability of these such states remains a problem given Nigeria’s present economic woes.

 State building has traditionally been a tactic for addressing ethnic conflicts in Nigeria.  While it may lessen tensions in certain places by offering autonomy, it might also create new demands and disputes over borders and resources.

 Managing a higher number of states will need considerable alterations in federal administration, budgets, and intergovernmental relations.

 The plan has garnered conflicting responses from political leaders, civic society, and the general public.  Some regard it as a welcome move toward decentralization and inclusion, while others warn against the hazards of political fragmentation and higher government expense.

 The House Committee on the Review of the Constitution continues to study 151 constitutional amendment proposals intended at resolving different governance difficulties in Nigeria, with state formation being a significant yet controversial subject.

 As the process proceeds, localities interested in state formation must verify their bids conform completely with constitutional requirements to have a chance of acceptance.  The extended deadline gives time for stakeholders to participate in discourse, develop agreement, and improve their recommendations.

 The plan to establish 31 new states in Nigeria constitutes a bold effort to restructure the country’s federal structure.  While it offers increased representation and possible development advantages, it also confronts considerable constitutional challenges and political complexity.  The following months will be vital as politicians, communities, and interest groups negotiate the convoluted process of state formation in Nigeria, a step that might reshape the nation’s political and administrative structure for decades to come.

 This thorough news item covers the core and ramifications of the House of Representatives proposal for additional states in Nigeria, drawn upon verifiable sources and official pronouncements.

In a major political realignment that promises to reshape Nigeria’s 2027 general elections, prominent opposition figures including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi, and other influential leaders have united under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) platform to challenge incumbent President Bola Tinubu and his ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

This coalition marks a historic attempt to consolidate opposition forces that were previously fragmented, a factor widely believed to have contributed to Tinubu’s victory in the 2023 elections. The alliance aims to present a united front capable of ending Tinubu’s administration and addressing the country’s pressing challenges such as economic hardship, insecurity, and governance deficits.

The coalition’s formal adoption of the ADC as its political platform was announced in early July 2025 at the Yar’Adua Centre in Abuja. This decision came after extensive deliberations among opposition leaders who recognized the need to avoid the vote-splitting that undermined their efforts in previous elections.

Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State and the Labour Party’s 2023 presidential candidate, emphasized that the coalition’s choice of ADC was driven by a commitment to “competent, capable, and compassionate leadership” that prioritizes Nigerians’ welfare. Obi acknowledged the necessity of collaboration, stating, “No one group can change Nigeria alone. To dismantle the structures that keep our people in poverty and insecurity, we must build bridges, not walls, even when those bridges are uneasy.”

Alongside Obi and Atiku, the coalition includes other key figures such as former Senate President David Mark, who was appointed interim National Chairman of the ADC, and former Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola, named interim National Secretary. Their appointments reflect a strategic effort to leverage experienced political operatives to steer the coalition through the transitional phase and into the 2027 elections.

The coalition has attracted a broad spectrum of political heavyweights, including former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi and Kaduna State Governor Nasir El-Rufai, both of whom have defected from the APC to join the opposition alliance. This influx of former ruling party members suggests growing dissatisfaction within the APC ranks and lends credence to the coalition’s claim of being a formidable alternative to Tinubu’s government.

The coalition’s formation also highlights the ongoing internal struggles within Nigeria’s major political parties. Both the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), led by Atiku, and the Labour Party, associated with Obi, have experienced internal crises and defections, which some analysts believe were exacerbated by external political maneuvers. By coalescing under the ADC, these leaders aim to overcome party factionalism and present a united opposition front.

The coalition’s strategy is informed by the 2023 election results, where Tinubu won with just 37% of the vote, while Atiku and Obi split the opposition vote with 29% and 25%, respectively. Analysts argue that if Atiku and Obi had combined forces then, they might have defeated Tinubu. This realization has driven their current collaboration.

Political analyst Ben Kenneth remarked, “If you look at what Atiku and Obi received in the last election, it’s clear they would have won if they had collaborated, so it’s encouraging that they have recognized their interdependence.”

However, some observers remain cautious. Analyst Sani Hamisu noted that incumbents in Nigeria and Africa generally have an electoral advantage, stating, “In Nigeria and Africa, incumbents seeking a second term rarely lose, and that’s why I think Tinubu’s prospects are better now than when he was not in office in 2019.”

Despite the optimism surrounding the coalition, there are concerns about internal cohesion and personal ambitions. Datti Baba-Ahmed, Labour Party’s 2023 vice presidential candidate, criticized the coalition’s leadership, suggesting that many members are driven by selfish interests rather than genuine commitment to unseating Tinubu. He argued that defeating Tinubu requires long-term strategic planning and sacrifice, which he doubts the coalition currently embodies.

Baba-Ahmed pointed out Tinubu’s political patience and strategic alliances over 16 years, including backing other candidates before finally securing the presidency himself. He warned “If this coalition thinks it’s business as usual, it won’t work. It has to be less about individual ambition and more about Nigeria. More action, less talk.”

The coalition’s emergence comes at a time when Nigeria faces significant economic and security challenges, fueling public discontent. The opposition coalition frames its mission as a fight for the “soul of the nation,” aiming to restore democratic principles and address widespread hunger and insecurity.

According to a spokesperson for Obi’s movement, the coalition is a united endeavor to reboot Nigeria’s political system and prevent the country from sliding into a one-party state dominated by the APC. They argue that the current administration has failed to deliver on promises, necessitating a new leadership approach focused on inclusivity and national welfare.

The coalition’s decision to use the ADC as a platform also reflects practical considerations. The All Democratic Alliance (ADA), initially preferred by the coalition, has faced delays in registration by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Therefore, the ADC serves as an interim but fully operational vehicle for political mobilization nationwide.

With the coalition now firmly established, political watchers anticipate a fiercely contested 2027 election. The united opposition hopes to capitalize on Nigeria’s yearning for change and the APC’s internal challenges. The coalition’s leadership structure, combining seasoned politicians with grassroots support, aims to leverage lessons from past elections to improve electoral prospects.

While the formal announcement of presidential and vice-presidential candidates is still pending, speculation suggests Atiku Abubakar may run for president again, potentially with Peter Obi as his running mate. This ticket would symbolize a powerful alliance of Nigeria’s leading opposition figures, potentially reshaping the country’s political landscape.

However, the coalition must overcome significant hurdles, including managing internal ambitions, sustaining unity, and countering the entrenched advantages of incumbency. The APC, under Tinubu’s leadership, remains a formidable force with a strong political machinery and significant resources.

The alliance of Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar, and other political heavyweights under the African Democratic Congress represents a critical development in Nigeria’s democratic journey. It signals a strategic consolidation designed to challenge President Bola Tinubu’s grip on power in 2027 by uniting fragmented opposition forces.

While the coalition faces challenges of internal cohesion and the daunting task of overcoming an incumbent with deep political roots, it embodies a collective resolve to offer Nigerians an alternative leadership vision focused on competence, compassion, and national unity.

As Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, the political landscape is set for a dramatic contest that could redefine the country’s governance trajectory and democratic future. The success of this coalition will depend on its ability to translate unity into effective political strategy and voter mobilization against an entrenched ruling party.